Balder Ex-Libris - Tag - North KoreaReview of books rare and missing2024-03-27T00:16:02+00:00urn:md5:aa728a70505b2fae05796923271581c2DotclearA Phoenix journal - 203urn:md5:1edeb8dc595396609974c7e3eaa384d02013-12-28T16:10:00+00:002013-12-28T16:40:04+00:00balderA Phoenix journalConspiracyUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.A_Phoenix_journal_-_203_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>A Phoenix journal</strong><br />
Title : <strong>203</strong><br />
Year : 1997<br />
<br />
Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook2/A_Phoenix_journal_-_203.zip">A_Phoenix_journal_-_203.zip</a><br />
<br />
CHAPTER 1. THE NEWS DESK SPECIAL SHOCKING EVENTS OF THE OKLAHOMA CITY BOMBING by Dr. Al Overholt 4/24/97. From the INTERNET, 4/97, (quoting:) Friends—we can count the good men/women in government as being some of the rarest of commodities on Earth, if not an almost extinct species of genus homo sapiens. I wish there was a way to hold stock shares in these distinct rarities, as the stock would soar every single day, as more and more “public servants” are exposed as seditious traitors. And I would surely be the richest woman in the world. We have serious reason to treasure, aid and abet this precious man. By helping Rep. Key, we assist ourselves foremost, not to mention our gravely embattled nation. —Kind regards, Angie. <strong>...</strong></p>A Phoenix journal - 114urn:md5:f2ef0bf8ab55db562d671eaf53a7d36e2013-12-25T16:05:00+00:002013-12-25T16:31:38+00:00balderA Phoenix journalConspiracyUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.A_Phoenix_journal_-_114_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>A Phoenix journal</strong><br />
Title : <strong>114</strong><br />
Year : 1994<br />
<br />
Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook2/A_Phoenix_journal_-_114.zip">A_Phoenix_journal_-_114.zip</a><br />
<br />
CHAPTER 1 Editor’s Note: We are delighted to here bring you TWO views of the recent Bakersfield Business Conference. Our usually-behind-the-scenes (but also a good writer) Brent Moorhead attended with our more visible star-roving-reporter Rick Martin. Each of these guys brings a different slant to what they observed at the Conference. Both give you a flavor for the event’s high-priced propaganda undercurrent. It should be pointed out that the “Fast Facts” sidebars included herein give a picture of the sheer decadence of this pageant for the Elite. Moreover, comparing our reporters’ stories with the avalanche of superlatives that gushed profusely from the Bakersfield Californian newspaper—you’d think the posse of Bakersfield Californian “reporters” attended a different event from what we describe below. A CONFERENCE OF THE “HAVES” by Brent Moorhead 10/15/94 Five years ago the Bakersfield Business Conference, sponsored by the Bakersfield law firm of Borton, Petrini & Conron, had about five hundred attendees. This year, on October 15th, the event was spread out over twenty-seven acres on the grounds of Cal State University. The numbers had grown into the world’s largest tent containing twelve-thousand-five-hundred people who paid three hundred dollars a head to hear eighteen world- class speakers and entertainers. There were several smaller tents housing eating and refreshment areas, as well as the press. The entire grounds were lavishly decorated with flowers, American flags, and white picket fences. There were state-of- theart video monitors and speakers placed everywhere, so that no matter where you were, you could hear and see what was going on. The people who attended were finely coiffured and dressed in yuppie attire for the most part. This event was titled as a “business conference”. However, the only business discussed was that of “The New World Order “, seeking to reassure the “haves” in attendance that this new world “arrangement” would allow them to prosper like never before. All of the speakers who have any type of political affiliation seemed to be reading from the same script—praising NAFTA, GATT and the miracles of free trade. They all stressed the right and the duty of the U.S. to impose, militarily or otherwise, a form of Democracy, on any country that is out-of-step with the New World Order. Although the actual term “New World Order” was used sparingly, the intent of these men to that end was unmistakable. I will give you a rundown of the speakers that I heard and some comments about each of them. <strong>...</strong></p>A Phoenix journal - 102urn:md5:e75db62fa965eef28bda787d40d3cd662013-12-24T23:58:00+00:002014-03-26T01:49:51+00:00balderA Phoenix journalConspiracyConspiracyUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.A_Phoenix_journal_-_102_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>A Phoenix journal</strong><br />
Title : <strong>102</strong><br />
Year : 1995<br />
<br />
Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook2/A_Phoenix_journal_-_102.zip">A_Phoenix_journal_-_102.zip</a><br />
<br />
Sacred wisdom. Prophecies are that which has been and repeated; the "future" is for "creating" that which will be. <strong>...</strong></p>A Phoenix journal - 090urn:md5:f2705f0e5c3d915a262b4db8facd55c92013-12-24T23:36:00+00:002014-03-26T00:56:18+00:00balderA Phoenix journalConspiracyUnited States <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img2/.A_Phoenix_journal_-_090_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>A Phoenix journal</strong><br />
Title : <strong>090</strong><br />
Year : 1994<br />
<br />
Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook2/A_Phoenix_journal_-_090.zip">A_Phoenix_journal_-_090.zip</a><br />
<br />
Taking off the blindfold. <strong>...</strong></p>Harden Blaine - Escape from Camp 14urn:md5:41903bff8f0900f3addda4dbe990357c2012-06-04T14:14:00+01:002014-05-07T21:07:21+01:00balderHarden BlaineBolchevikCommunismKoreaNorth Korea <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Harden_Blaine_-_Escape_from_Camp_14_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Author : <strong>Harden Blaine</strong><br />
Title : <strong>Escape from Camp 14 One Man's Remarkable Odyssey from North Korea to Freedom in the West</strong><br />
Year : 2000<br />
<br />
Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Harden_Blaine_-_Escape_from_Camp_14.zip">Harden_Blaine_-_Escape_from_Camp_14.zip</a><br />
<br />
Preface. His first memory is an execution. He walked with his mother to a wheat field near the Taedong River, where guards had rounded up several thousand prisoners. Excited by the crowd, the boy crawled between adult legs to the front row, where he saw guards tying a man to a wooden pole. Shin In Geun was four years old, too young to understand the speech that came before that killing. At dozens of executions in years to come, he would listen to a supervising guard telling the crowd that the prisoner about to die had been offered ‘redemption’ through hard labour, but had rejected the generosity of the North Korean government. To prevent the prisoner from cursing the state that was about to take his life, guards stuffed pebbles into his mouth then covered his head with a hood. At that first execution, Shin watched three guards take aim. Each fired three times. The reports of their rifles terrified the boy and he fell over backwards. But he scrambled to his feet in time to see guards untie a slack, blood-spattered body, wrap it in a blanket and heave it into a cart. In Camp 14, a prison for the political enemies of North Korea, assemblies of more than two inmates were forbidden, except for executions. Everyone had to attend them. The labour camp used a public killing, and the fear it generated, as a teachable moment. Shin’s guards in the camp were his teachers – and his breeders. They had selected his mother and father. They taught him that prisoners who break camp rules deserve death. On a hillside near his school, a slogan was posted: ‘All according to the rules and regulations’. The boy memorized the camp’s ten rules, ‘The Ten Commandments’, as he later called them, and can still recite them by heart. The first one stated: ‘Anyone caught escaping will be shot immediately’. Ten years after that first execution, Shin returned to the same field. Again, guards had rounded up a big crowd. Again, a wooden pole had been pounded into the ground. A makeshift gallows had also been built. Shin arrived this time in the backseat of a car driven by a guard. He wore handcuffs and a blindfold fashioned from a rag. His father, also handcuffed and blindfolded, sat beside him in the car. They had been released after eight months in an underground prison inside Camp 14. As a condition of their release, they had signed documents promising never to discuss what had happened to them underground. In that prison within a prison, guards tried to torture a confession out of Shin and his father. They wanted to know about the failed escape of Shin’s mother and only brother. Guards stripped Shin, tied ropes to his ankles and wrists, and suspended him from a hook in the ceiling. They lowered him over a fire. He passed out when his flesh began to burn. But he confessed nothing. He had nothing to confess. He had not conspired with his mother and brother to escape. He believed what the guards had taught him since his birth inside the camp: he could never escape and he must inform on anyone who talked about trying. Not even in his dreams had Shin fantasized about life on the outside. The guards never taught him what every North Korean schoolboy learns: Americans are ‘bastards’ scheming to invade and humiliate the homeland. South Korea is the ‘bitch’ of its American master. North Korea is a great country whose brave and brilliant leaders are the envy of the world. Indeed, he knew nothing of the existence of South Korea, China, or the United States. Unlike his countrymen, he did not grow up with the ubiquitous photograph of his Dear Leader, as Kim Jong Il was called. Nor had he seen photographs or statues of Kim’s father, Kim Il Sung, the Great Leader who founded North Korea and who remains the country’s Eternal President, despite his death in 1994. When a guard removed his blindfold and he saw the crowd, the wooden pole and the gallows, Shin believed he was about to be executed. No pebbles, though, were forced into his mouth. His handcuffs were removed. A guard led him to the front of the crowd. He and his father would be spectators. Guards dragged a middle-aged woman to the gallows and tied a young man to the wooden pole. They were Shin’s mother and his older brother. A guard tightened a noose around his mother’s neck. She tried to catch Shin’s eye. He looked away. After she stopped twitching at the end of the rope, Shin’s brother was shot by three guards. Each fired three times. As he watched them die, Shin was relieved it was not him. He was angry with his mother and brother for planning an escape. Although he would not admit it to anyone for fifteen years, he knew he was responsible for their executions. <strong>...</strong></p>Chol-Hwan Kang - Rigoulot Pierre - The Aquariums of Pyongyangurn:md5:e1414ef7f883daabd182727f1857e0742012-06-04T14:05:00+01:002014-05-07T21:07:25+01:00balderChol-Hwan KangBolchevikCommunismJapanJewKoreaNorth Korea <p><img src="https://balderexlibris.com/public/img/.Chol-Hwan_Kang_-_Rigoulot_Pierre_-_The_Aquariums_of_Pyongyang_s.jpg" alt="" /><br />
Authors : <strong>Chol-Hwan Kang - Rigoulot Pierre</strong><br />
Title : <strong>The Aquariums of Pyongyang Ten years in the north Korean Gulag The terrifying memoir of life in North Korea that our nation's leaders want yout to read</strong><br />
Year : 2000<br />
<br />
Link download : <a href="https://balderexlibris.com/public/ebook/Chol-Hwan_Kang_-_Rigoulot_Pierre_-_The_Aquariums_of_Pyongyang.zip">Chol-Hwan_Kang_-_Rigoulot_Pierre_-_The_Aquariums_of_Pyongyang.zip</a><br />
<br />
PREFACE FOR THE REVISED EDITION. As a reporter for Chosun Ilbo, South Korea’s leading daily newspaper, I have been covering issues related to North Korea since 2000. I’ve met and reported on approximately 500 North Korean refugees and defectors, those on the run in China and those who found freedom in South Korea. One of them told me, “At the peak of the famine in 1998, I saw numerous corpses strewn on the ground in front of the railroad station in Hamhung (a northeastern coastal city and the capital of South-Hamkyung Province). People died so fast that hundreds of them had to be buried in mass graves at the Mt. Donghung Cemetery as coffins were in short supply.” Almost all of the North Koreans I interviewed described similar incidents from the Great Famine in the late 1990s. People foraged throughout forests and on hillsides for edible herbs. Soon they had to resort to boiling tree bark and the roots of rice plants to make the tough fibers digestible. I was reminded of the horrendous times I went through in the Yodok gulag before I was released in 1987. I asked myself: “Has the entire country turned into a gigantic gulag? What would the prison camps look like now? What are my fellow gulag inmates enduring now in order to survive?” I risked my life and fled North Korea in 1992 and sought refuge in South Korea soon afterward in order to expose to the world the unimaginable crimes committed in the political prison camps by the Pyongyang regime. At the age of nine, I had been taken to one of them in Yodok, South-Hamkyung Province, due to my parent’s alleged guilt by association to my grandfather. I was destined to spend ten years of grim residence there. Upon reaching freedom in the Republic of Korea at the end of my journey, which took me first through China, I shed tears of joy. During the press conference that shortly followed, however, I was struck speechless by some of the questions asked of me by certain journalists. It was clear to me that those journalists were trying to squeeze out of me only answers they wanted to hear—“Did you concoct part of your story with the help of Seoul’s intelligence service?” That ridiculous question turned out to be just the beginning of my ordeal in the so-called free world. No matter how hard I and other defectors from the North have tried since then, far too many people in Seoul have turned a blind eye to the truth about North Korea’s concentration camps. When the Koreans refused to believe us, perhaps I was naive to expect the international community to respond more sympathetically. No one paid any particular attention to us. Here in South Korea, where I had sought asylum with high hopes, a growing proportion of the populace tend to believe that one can achieve peace only through reconciliation and cooperation. How can so many ignore Kim Jong Il’s brutal persecution of his own people? There seems no shortage of rationalizations for remaining silent in the face of the evil that lies a mere 40 miles to the north of Seoul. The simple truth about Kim Jong Il and his astounding brutality is constantly distorted. In South Korea today, if you are opposed to Kim Jong Il, you are automatically branded a “reactionary”; if you support this despot you are thought to be a “progressive intellectual.” Witnessing this bizarre inversion of reality, those who have struggled to escape Kim Jong Il’s iron grip quickly begin to lose their optimism. But at the end of the 1990s, the ember of hope was suddenly rekindled as huge numbers of North Koreans streamed across the borders into neighboring countries. Almost overnight, the international community came around to give its ear to the testimonies of freed North Koreans. Foreign media outlets competed with each other to interview North Korean refugees in China and hear their stories of the human rights atrocities inside North Korea. The United Nations Human Rights Commission has issued resolutions three years in a row since 2003, each time with increased conviction, condemning Pyongyang for its violations of international human rights. And yet amazingly, despite the international outrage, multitudes of Koreans in the South have never awakened from their moral slumber. The South Korean government chose either not to show up for the UN vote (in 2003) or to abstain (in 2004 and 2005) from its resolution on North Korea’s human rights situation. In order to rationalize this disregard for its own citizens, the South Korean government claimed that doing otherwise could disturb the peaceful coexistence achieved through dialogue with Pyongyang. Such reasoning makes a mockery of an irrefutable fact: according to the constitution of the Republic of Korea, Koreans on both sides of the DMZ fall under the sovereignty of its government. In neighboring Japan, North Korea-related news items in general are being rated higher than any other news on TV and memoirs by various North Korean defectors are hitting the bestseller lists at bookstores across the nation. In contrast, such books continue to collect dust on bookshelves here in Korea, and it no longer comes as a surprise that South Korean publishers shun manuscripts by North Koreans. I have often wondered if our dream of delivering our kinsmen in the North from bondage was destined to sink into oblivion. I found God in South Korea, but He seemed determined to not respond to my prayers. I asked the Lord: “Why do they have to go through all the pain they suffer? What are the sins they’ve committed to deserve such enormous suffering?” My heart broke anew each night as I contemplated their misery. “If you are a living God, why are you allowing all those precious souls to perish under an evil power? How much longer do my people have to endure this agony?” And then one day out of a clear blue sky, the seemingly impossible happened. I call it a miracle for a nine-year-old boy-slave in a North Korean gulag to end up defecting to South Korea. But I did not know what to call it when I heard that the president of the world’s most powerful nation wanted to meet the author of a gulag memoir he had just finished reading. That was me! On June 13, 2005, I met with President George W. Bush in the Oval Office for forty long minutes. I told the president about the plight of North Korean people, and we shared sincere opinions on how to save them. Throughout the meeting with President Bush, it dawned on me that my God was, after all, a living God. I now realize that the Lord wanted to use President Bush to let the blind world see what is happening to His people in North Korea. With one simple stroke of God’s finger, the bleak reality, in which nearly no one cared about the ghosts of three million famished souls and hundreds of thousands more in the concentration camps in my home country, was instantly changed. Since that meeting at the White House, I have received many emails from North Koreans hiding in China, all encouraging me and thanking the American president for caring about their fate. I don’t have a slightest doubt that the good news has also traveled all across the country inside North Korea giving the 23 million people long-overdue hope and encouragement. For the 200,000 political prisoners in the gulag, the news must have struck them as if they had an encounter with the Savior himself. Some inside North Korea said that this single event could wipe out years of anti-American propaganda once and for all. And in South Korea, the effects have been most visible on the youth who have been uninformed and, therefore, indifferent to the plight of their fellow Koreans in the North. As for me personally, meeting with President Bush gave me such a visibility that I have been bombarded with requests for one public speech after another. I have been speaking out about human rights violations in North Korea with hundred-fold empowerment ever since. Furthermore, I’ve met with several members of the National Assembly in South Korea who all became acutely interested in the human rights issues in North Korea. South Korean Representative Kim Moon Soo has even begun a campaign to encourage South Koreans to read The Aquariums of Pyongyang. As Hitler slaughtered millions of Jews, the world did not want to believe it was happening. No one wished to imagine that the smoke and ashes blown to the village by the wind, day in and day out, actually came from the burning of human bodies within the concentration camps. Only after the genocide of six million Jews came to its grisly end did mankind eventually confront this gruesome tragedy. Now the term “concentration camp” has become inextricably linked to Hitler’s holocaust. But how on earth could I ever explain that the same—and in fact far worse—things are being repeated in this twenty-first century in North Korea, a relic of a failed experiment in human history called communism? In my home country, 200,000 political prisoners are being ruthlessly massacred in concentration camps and countless people are routinely rounded up and sent off to them every day. As it was with Hitler’s Nazi Party, Pyongyang’s Korean Worker’s Party provides no explanation whatsoever to the silent lambs on their way to the slaughterhouse. Are we to stand back and allow history to repeat itself? If the disciples of Jesus were to maintain their silence when they were called upon to shout with conviction, the very stones would cry out! I believe that the time has come for the collective conscience of our world to speak out against the barbarity of the Kim Jong Il regime. Sending a strong message to this outpost of tyranny will neither worsen nor prolong the sufferings of North Korean people. It will simply scare Kim Jong Il into stopping his cruelty. I am afraid that if we fail to restrain this madman sooner rather than later, the same mankind that let Hitler have his way will have to face God’s judgment once again for failing to fulfill its moral responsibility. On behalf of all those who are unable to do so, I want to thank President Bush for sharing with me the pain of millions of my fellow North Korean people who have perished from starvation in that huge concentration camp known as the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea. I also want to thank the readers of this book who will partake with me of my kinsmen’s sufferings. To all those whose names I cannot remember or even pronounce who helped this book to be published, I pray God to reward each and every one of them amply. My special thanks go to Deborah Fikes, one name I cannot forget, and my wife, Yun Hye Ryeon. Lastly, I invite all of us to an unceasing prayer vigil for the early departed and for a hastened liberation followed by true democracy in my homeland. July 4, 2005 Seoul, South Korea. <strong>...</strong></p>